Developments of Far Right Ideologies

Developments of Far Right Ideologies 1. Introduction Political scientists, in recent years, have been concerned over the revival of extreme right political movements in Europe and other parts of the world. Even as extreme right wing ideologies continue to be identified by the general public with the discredited fascist movements that swept Europe in the first half of the twentieth century, they also continue to fascinate political experts and the public with their myriad hues, complexities and the morbid attraction they hold for people in different political settings. Just three-fourths of a century back, in the first quarter of the 1900s, waves of leftist movements buffeted the countries of Europe and threatened to overwhelm not just the bastions of free trade and capitalism, but also the democratic models that, to some degree, worked in the UK and the USA. The aftermath of the First World War, depleted European treasuries and the great American depression had led to large-scale unemployment, poverty and economic despair in most states of Western Europe. With life being uncomfortable, unfair and difficult for millions of people, the political environment was open to upheavals and led to the spread of Communism, and to the emergence of fascism, as well as its widespread acceptance. These two political ideologies, one left and the other right, deeply opposed to each other, went on to dominate the political processes of Europe until the Second World War. The war ended in the military defeat and eclipse of fascism, as well as its virtual obliteration from the political lexicon. The vengeance of the victors ensured that the word became a worldwide slur, shunned by all political parties. Fascism owes its origin to the Italian leader Benito Mussolini and takes its name, both from the word â€Å"fascio†, meaning union or league, and from fasces, a Roman symbol of magisterial authority that suggests strength through unity. Its ideology, while originally represented by the political movement led by Mussolini, later came to stand for a generic class of authoritarian ideology that received widespread acceptance and support in Western Europe. While fascist parties and governments faced the charge of commitment of enormous crimes against humanity after the end of the Second World War and their extinction led to widespread relief, the eighties and nineties witnessed resurgence in parties with broadly similar extreme right ideologies. The resurrection of the extreme right in Europe in the last two decades has also led to the expression of new thoughts, which focus on strong opposition to immigration and on the disenchantment of certain sections of society with the contradictions and challenges created by the democratic system. Britains problems with xenophobia and right wing violence have their equivalents all over the Continent, from Antwerp to Vienna. I could just as easily have begun this book with descriptions of the right-wing street terror of the East German university towns of Jena and Erfurt, or the widespread surmises-probably untrue-behind the soccer hooligan violence of the European Cup in 2000. Or the right-wing electoral surges that occurred from Romania to the German state of Saxony-Anhalt. Or the racist prejudice and violence visited upon asylum-seekers and immigrants in places as far apart as Paris and Budapest. A host of extreme right-wing phenomena-though hardly anything resembling the fascist and Nazi upsurge of the 1920s and 1930s-are on the march all over Europe. [1] Many European countries, including the UK, have political parties with neofascist political ideologies. However, a number of factors, like the absence of a defining common ideological treatise, (like the communist manifesto that governs leftist thought) as well as significant differences in their political and social approaches, have led some political scientists to surmise that extreme right wing ideologies do not share a common theme. The representation of every isolated xenophobic reaction to be a manifestation of neofascism has also added greatly to the confusion enveloping the issue. It is the aim of this essay to study the history, nature, incidence and practice of extreme right wing political thought, and analyse whether this impression is valid, or whether all extreme right movements do share common and distinct ideology. 2. Commentary Right wing ideologies sprouted all over Europe in the 1920s and 1930s. Apart from Italy under Mussolini, Germany’s Third Reich under Adolf Hitler, Portugal’s Estado Novo, Hungary’s Arrow Cross Perty, Romania’s Iron Guard and Spain’s Falange were among the parties and governments considered to be fascist. In recent years fascism and modern concepts of extreme right ideologies have been studied in detail by researchers like Roger Eatwell, Roger Griffin, Piero Ignazi and Cas Mudde, their work contributing significantly towards opening up the area to greater scrutiny. The rise of extreme right wing ideologies is associated mostly with the fascist movements in Italy and Germany, which culminated in seizure of governmental power. Its’ rise in Europe, however, actually commenced with the end of the First World War, and the descent of an uneasy peace on the war ravaged continent.This peaceful interregnum was, as is well known, marked by a number of deveopments that led to the collapse of democracy in most European countries; other than France and Britain. The Bolshevik Revolution and the formation of the Soviet state had already sent shockwaves through the landed gentry, the bourgeoisie and the businessmen of Europe. This â€Å"fear of communist takeover, imaginary or otherwise, coupled with widespread unhappiness over the Versailles Treaty, terrible economic conditions, huge unemployment figures and the desire of minorities to assert themselves created conditions that seemed to herald the doom of capitalism†[2] and invite ambitious and power hungry individuals to come forth, promise grandiose futures, create easily distinguishable punching bags, weave extravagant dreams of national glory and take over the reins of power. Mussolini came to power on the back of a political career that began in 1912 and culminated in his assumption of the Prime Minister’s office, and dictatorial powers, in 1922. Even though he entered politics as a socialist, his journey to power was marked with many shifts in ideology, which saw him, at different stages, allying with the landed bourgeoisie, espousing women’s suffragette, wooing capitalists and breaking worker strikes; all this, before the takeover of power by his Fascist Party led to a more detailed elaboration of Italian extreme right wing ideology. â€Å"The Party, along with big business, the Church, state, army, Fascist unions, and corporations became one of several semi-autonomous power centres in Fascist Italy.†[3] While Mussolini became the archetypal fascist and encouraged the rise of fascist movements in other countries including the Nazis in Germany, the Heimwehr in Austria, Mosley’s party in the UK and the Falange in Spain, his form of fascism differed from extreme right ideologies prevalent in other countries of Europe; which in turn were influenced by local political and social conditions. Similar differences in right wing ideology espoused by various parties in Europe exist even today. The progressive vulgarisation of fascism over the years and its representation as a badly put together collection of half-baked clichà ©s and reactionary attitudes has served to make extreme right ideology a collective object of derision, the misconceptions over its principles being further exacerbated by continual mindless referrals that sometimes border on the ludicrous. George Orwell wrote in 1944: the word ‘Fascism’ is almost entirely meaningless. In conversation, of course, it is used even more wildly than in print. I have heard it applied to farmers, shopkeepers, Social Credit, corporal punishment, fox-hunting, bull-fighting, the 1922 Committee, the 1941 Committee, Kipling, Gandhi, Chiang Kai-Shek, homosexuality, Priestleys broadcasts, Youth Hostels, astrology, women, dogs and I do not know what else almost any English person would accept ‘bully’ as a synonym for ‘Fascist’. [4] However, many political scientists thinkers do believe that extreme right wing ideology, when used in a proper and accurate context, is well defined and has specific features. Robert Pearce argues that the ambit of orthodox fascism specifically includes (a) an extreme form of nationalism, where humans are important but only as part of a nation, (b) social Darwinism, which stipulates that struggle between nations is inevitable, (c) theories of racism, which operate on hierarchies of races and brand some as inferior; (d) anti-positivism, or rather, the belief that humans are influenced more by myth and intuition than by logic and reason, (e) the notion of the heroic and wise leader, and (f) the idea of the corporate state, a constructive middle path between capitalism and communism.[5] Roger Eatwell of Bath University has also put forward a number of stipulations that he feels should form a minimum fascist agenda. Eatwell states that the importance of the new man and the creation of new elite are at the centre of fascist ideology. This concept of elitism, illustrated by Mussolini’s belief in trenchocracy and Hitler’s obsession with breeding a race of super teutons, is common to all fascist and extreme right political thought. In fascism, the new man is required to battle for his country and be instrumental in the build-up of the state. Fascists placed emphasis on integrating man through a form of manipulated activism in both the political and economic spheres. They were encouraged to attend mass celebrations, which unquestionably had a quasi-religious appeal for some. The Dopolavoro and German copy, the KdF, organised events such as mass holidays, for example to the island of Rà ¼gen, which had the largest hotel in the world in 1939. Professional sport too became a form of popular control. State-subsidised sport could also provide more individualised and even commercially-related pleasures, such as motor sport in which Alfa Romeos, Mercedes and Auto Unions vied for dominance and national prestige on Europes circuits.[6] Apart from a strong focus on the development of manhood, fascism was distinguished by an emphatic sense of nationalism, a strong belief in the importance of race, a virulent opposition to communism and the significance of the state in regulating political, social and business activity. The importance of the state arose primarily from the contempt that leaders of fascist movements felt for the ability of the masses to play any constructive role on their own. The inordinate use of myth and propaganda by fascist governments also emphasises this proclivity of the elite to think of the masses as gullible and easily led herds. The use of myth was thought to have a much stronger effect in galvanising public opinion than the use of reason and logic, be it to foster belief in the concept of racial superiority, the necessity for persecution of Jews, the imperativeness of going to war, or for increasing production in factories. While anti-Semitism reached demoniacal proportions in Nazi Germany, the importance of racial purity and superiority was also evident in Italy, where coloured people, rather than Jews, were targeted for persecution. While fascism, per se, was based on the specific value systems elaborated in the preceding para, the extreme right movements that emerged in Europe in the 1980s were influenced by certain contemporaneous developments that resulted in some modifications to the traditional approach. Right wing extremism, though still not a serious threat, has gained significant acceptance in the recent past in countries like France, Germany, Austria, Belgium and Italy. Le Pen scored very well in the French presidential elections of 2003. Many European extreme right parties, for example, the Flaams Blok in Belgium, the Alleanza Nazionale and Lega Nord in Italy and the FPO in Austria have succeeded in increasing their electoral base. Germany and Austria, in particular, have seen strong growth in the development of neo fascist support. Since unification, a violent xenophobic youth culture and an extreme right movement with neo-Nazi edges have taken hold and spread in Germany, especially in the states of the former GDR, temporarily, they established so-called nationally liberated zones in which they try to seize power and authority by means of sustained violence, and they are supported by occasional regional electoral successes. [7] The political development of the new right differs from country to country. In Europe, it appears to have moved away from conventional neofascism to firstly, incorporate resentment against immigration and dilution of cultural heritage in its agenda, and secondly, use democratic representation to push for anti immigration policies, based on nationalist and populist emotions. According to (Piero) Ignazi, the new extreme right politically signifies, articulates and successfully mobilizes a formerly silent counter-revolution of a return to authoritarian-nationalist and conventional moral values, directed against culturally pluralized, postmaterial libertarian values, individualized lifestyles, and postindustrial sociocultural modernization.[8] In 2000, Jorg Haider’s FPO became Austria’s second strongest political force. Moreover, the party also succeeded in entering government, albeit as a junior partner; the first case of power coming to the hands of the extreme right in a West European country after the demolition of the Italian and German regimes. In a state that considers itself to be one of the biggest victims of Nazism, the FNP and the FPO, both parties that belong to the extreme right, base their electoral appeal on a mixture of ethnic pride, national identity, xenophobia, and anti Semitism. It is pertinent to note that Austria has also had to face significant increases in immigration, legal and illegal, after the fall of the iron curtain and the disintegration of the Soviet Union. Cas Mudde, who in his book, â€Å"The Ideology of the Extreme Right† has made a detailed analysis of five rightist parties, concludes that four features, built around the core of nationalism, form the essence of right wing extremism.[9] The state should implement a policy of internal homogenization and create a mono-cultural society through the deportation of foreigners The world view is defined by a pervasive xenophobia, in which anything different is seen to be threatening and includes external and internal enemies All parties studied support a form of socioeconomic welfare chauvinism Well-ordered community life is essential for the protection of citizens and society. Roger Eatwell states that in addition to using xenophobic insecurities, extreme right parties also attempt to broad base their appeal by supporting tradition and conservatism in social life. Certainly extreme right groups tend to defend traditional values. The FPÃâ€", for example, developed in the late 1990s the idea of a Kinder Scheck, a form of new child benefit designed to help keep women in the home (previously welfare programmes had not figured in FPÃâ€" campaigns, other than through its stress on immigrant parasites). They also tend to be hostile to forms of sexual liberation, such as homosexuality. Extreme right groups also tend to be nationalist, although a notable minority stresses ethno regionalism as the primary source of identification (the homogenous, relatively limited geographic region is often portrayed as a natural rather than bureaucratic barrier to immigration)[10] The extreme right, in the 1920s and in recent times, has worked primarily on the insecurities of people who feel threatened and insecure by seemingly uncontrollable social, environmental and economic developments. This happens, mostly by using conspiracy theories and by projecting social contradictions onto an intangible and hazy enemy. These ideologies continue to appeal to the social paranoia of threatened sub-groups by projecting the benefits of a well-ordered authoritarian world peopled by ethnic and nationalist communities over the numerous uncertainties and social challenges raised by democratisation, the implementation of universal values and modernisation of culture and society. 3. Conclusion It has become increasingly evident that electorates have not been able to entirely reject extreme right ideologies, even after the ostracisms heaped on them after the Second World War. Extreme right ideologies continue to exist, not just under the dictatorships of despots like Idi Amin, but also in the democratic and affluent economies of Western Europe. Neofascism takes much of its inspiration from the fascist theories of the 1920s, when people were aroused on the platforms of superiority of race, creation of superior men, anticommunism and delusions of nationalist grandeur. Modern day ideology continues to stress upon the importance of ethnicity, if not race, and mostly all extreme right ideologies converge in their aim of removing outsiders. While the concept of the mythical ideal man is not thought of, any longer, as a serious possibility, extreme right ideologies work on a sense of ethnic nationalism, the desire for homogenization, and the relative safety of an authoritarian and socially conservative state, ruled wisely by a powerful and able leader. Extreme right movements have not become powerful enough to capture power and run governments, the exception being Austria where the FPO participates in Government as a minority partner. As the ideologies of extreme right parties are still restricted to inflammatory rhetoric, it is difficult to predict the modifications these ideologies may have to undergo, when faced with the real and inherently globalised and democratised world. An illustrative example is the case of the FPO in Austria where the party, classified as a ghetto party in the late fifties, achieved substantial electoral success and joined government, albeit in the face of fierce opposition from many EU states; who joined hands to keep the FPO leader Jorg Haider out of office. It is common knowledge that during the period the party was out of power its political position was anything but responsible. The FPÃâ€" opted for an aggressive campaigning style and employed political rhetoric that was often unbridled. Its core electoral issues included political corruption, over-foreignization (ÃÅ"berfremdung), (immigrant) criminality, the alleged arrogance of the EU and a celebration of the supposedly exemplary values of the little man. The fact that during this period the FPÃâ€" had no political responsibility whatsoever for national politics and was dismissed by its competitors as qualitatively unsuitable for government (not least precisely because of the unrestrained nature of its campaigning style), only made it all the easier for the party constantly to engage in irresponsible electoral outbidding of the then governing parties.[11] Interestingly, the FPO has lost a fair amount of support after it joined government. While this may possibly be due to the fact that governmental responsibility has required a toning down of irresponsible rhetoric, experts feel that the slump in popularity could also be due to the open hostility showed by the other EU states to the FPO’s participation in government in Austria. It is quite difficult to assess how these organisations will ultimately place themselves, or even to predict whether anti Semitism will replace the current anti Muslim feeling in Europe. However, it does seem apparent that most extreme right ideologies have a number of common tenets, possibly because they arise from the same universal insecurities, which concern trespass, a distrust of outsiders, a comfort in association with one’s own kind and an inherent desire for the stability provided by a father figure. It would also be quite logical to surmise that as all extreme right ideologies work on these insecurities; their solutions will also tend to be similar, modified only because of local political and social equations. Bibliography Antliff, Mark. Fascism, Modernism and Modernity. The Art Bulletin 84, no. 1 (2002): 148+. Berlet, Chip. The Right Rides High. The Progressive, October 1994, 22+. Blum, George P. The Rise of Fascism in Europe. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1998. . Century ed. Peter H. Maerkl and Leonard Weinberg ,London: Frank Cass, 2003 Eatwell, R, The Nature of ‘Generic Fascism, U. Backes (ed.), Rechsextreme Ideologien im 20 und 21 Jahhundert (Bohlau Verlag, Cologne) 2003retrieved 3 Jan 2006 from staff.bath.ac.uk/mlsre/Seriousfascism.htm Eatwell, R, Chapter Two Ten Theories of the Extreme Right, in Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century ed. Peter H. Maerkl and Leonard Weinberg ,London: Frank Cass, 2003, 53 Fascist as Epithet, Fascism, Wikipedia, 2006, retrieved Jan 3 2007 from en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism Federici, Michael P. The Challenge of Populism: The Rise of Right-Wing Democratism in Postwar America. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1991. Hoffmann, Stanley. Why Dont They like Us? How America Has Become the Object of Much of the Planets Genuine Grievances-And Displaced Discontents. The American Prospect, November 19, 2001, 18+. Ignazi, Piero. Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Luther, Kurt Richard, Chapter Eight The FpÃâ€": from Populist Protest to Incumbency, in Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century ed. Peter H. Maerkl and Leonard Weinberg London: Frank Cass, 2003, 197, Lipset, Seymour Martin, and Earl Raab. The Politics of Unreason: Right Wing Extremism in America, 1790-1970. 1st ed. New York: Harper Row, 1970. Maerkl, Peter H. and Leonard Weinberg, eds. Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century. London: Frank Cass, 2003. Marfleet, Philip. The Clash Thesis: War and Ethnic Boundaries in Europe. Arab Studies Quarterly (ASQ) 25, no. 1-2 (2003): 71+. Michael, George. Confronting Right Wing Extremism and Terrorism in the USA. New York: Routledge, 2003 Miller, Marlowe A. Unveiling The Dialectic of Culture and Barbarism in British Pageantry: Virginia Woolfs Between the Acts.. Papers on Language Literature 34, no. 2 (1998): 134+. Minkenberg, Michael, and Martin Schain. Introduction. In Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century, edited by Maerkl, Peter H. and Leonard Weinberg, 1-19. London: Frank Cass, 2003. Moore, Robert. Race, Class and Struggle: Essays on Racism and Inequality in Britain, the US and Western Europe. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 26, no. 2 (2000): 372. . Morgan, Philip. Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945. London: Routledge, 2002. Mudde, C, The Ideology of the Extreme Right, Manchester University Press, Manchester, 2003 Passmore, Kevin. Fascism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2002. . Pierce, R, Fascism, New Perspective, vol. 3, No. 1, 1997, retrieved 4 Jan 2007 www.users.globalnet.co.uk/~semp/facism.htm Racism in Contemporary America. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996. Rensmann, Lars. The New Politics of Prejudice: Comparative Perspectives on Extreme Right Parties in European Democracies. German Politics and Society 21, no. 4 (2003): 93+. Rubinstein, Gidi. Right-Wing Authoritarianism, Political Affiliation Religiosity, and Their Relation to Psychological Androgyny. Sex Roles: A Journal of Research 33, no. 7-8 (1995): 569+. Scheck, Raffael. Mothers of the Nation : Right-Wing Women in Weimar Germany /. New York: Berg, 2003. Swomley, John M. Neo-Fascism and the Religious Right. The Humanist, January/February 1995, 3+. Veen, Hans-Joachim, Norbert Lepszy, and Peter Mnich. The Republikaner Party in Germany: Right-Wing Menace or Protest Catchall?. Westport, CT: Praeger Paperback, 1993. Witt, Mary Ann Frese. The Search for Modern Tragedy: Aesthetic Fascism in Italy and France. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2001. 1 Footnotes [1] Michael Minkenberg, and Martin Schain, Introduction, in Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century ed. Peter H. Maerkl and Leonard Weinberg (London: Frank Cass, 2003), 3, [2] Robert Pierce, Fascism, New Perspective, vol. 3, No. 1, 1997, retrieved 4 Jan 2007 from www.users.globalnet.co.uk/~semp/facism.htm> [3] Kevin Passmore, Fascism: A Very Short Introduction , Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, 2002, [4] Fascist as Epithet, Fascism, Wikipedia, 2006, retrieved Jan 3 2007 from en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascism [5] Robert Pierce, Fascism [6] Eatwell, R, The Nature of ‘Generic Fascism, U. Backes (ed.), Rechsextreme Ideologien im 20 und 21 Jahhundert (Bohlau Verlag, Cologne) 2003 retrieved 3 Jan 2006 from staff.bath.ac.uk/mlsre/Seriousfascism.htm [7] Lars Rensmann, The New Politics of Prejudice: Comparative Perspectives on Extreme Right Parties in European Democracies, German Politics and Society 21, no. 4 , 2003 [8] Lars Rensmann, The New Politics of Prejudice: Comparative Perspectives on Extreme Right Parties in European Democracies, [9] Cas Mudde, The Ideology of the Extreme Right (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003 [10] Roger Eatwell, Chapter Two Ten Theories of the Extreme Right, in Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century ed. Peter H. Maerkl and Leonard Weinberg ,London: Frank Cass, 2003, 53 [11] Kurt Richard Luther, Chapter Eight The FpÃâ€": from Populist Protest to Incumbency, in Right-Wing Extremism in the Twenty-First Century ed. Peter H. Maerkl and Leonard Weinberg, London: Frank Cass, 2003, 197,

Reflection in Living, Loving, And Learning by Leo Buscaglia Essay

Living, Loving, and Learning: Buscaglia Reflection While reading Leo Buscaglia's book, Living, Loving & Learning, I was able to reflect back on some of the experiences I have had in my life that have helped to make me the person I am today, and I was able to look into the future at what I would like to become. I was able to see how well I know myself and what I have to offer others. I was able to see the things I don't like about myself and determine some of the ways I can make myself better. This is some of what reflecting on my life and looking ahead while reading Buscaglia has taught me. A. "You Cannot give to anybody what you do not have." I went to Juab High School in the small town of Nephi, Utah. Like many other small town high schools, football coaches and P.E. teachers doubled as Algebra teachers and Science teachers. This allowed our school to make full use of the limited teachers and resources that it had. There was a lot of talented people that taught at Juab and some of them made great teachers and coaches, but some of them didn't. Sometimes it ended up that the football coach/algebra teacher cared a little more about tomorrow's football game than he did about ensuring his algebra students knew how to balance equations, and sometimes the P.E./Science teacher cared a little more about the teaching the tennis unit than she did about teaching the four life processes. Those teachers were also the ones that had to relearn the algebra and science lessons a few days before they taught them to us, because on paper they were qualified to do the job, but as far as knowing the material and having an interest in what they were trying to give to us, nothing was there. Have you ever tried to get someone excited about a subject that you knew nothing about? Have you ever had a math teacher that sent you across the hall to get help from someone else because he didn't understand what he was trying to teach you? It can be pretty hard sometimes to get excited about something if your teacher doesn't get excited about it. These teachers tried to give us something that they didn't have. When I was in middle school I had another teacher that tried to give us what she didn't have. She was the health teacher, but because of some addictions to drugs, she really wasn't very healthy. It was sad, because she taught us from the book t... ...t a fantastic one." (Buscaglia 83) I chose this quote from the writings of Buscaglia because it ties up all of his ideas into one little bundle. If you were to give someone a gift and then watched them neglect it, abuse it, or destroy it, your feelings would be hurt and you would be pretty upset. But if you were able to see them show it off to their friends, love it, and take care of it, you would feel like that person appreciated the gift and it would be almost like a gift to you. Upon reading this quote is where I took the opportunity to look into the future. The gift that God gave me is a wonderful one. Sometimes I have a hard time seeing my life as being wonderful because I make so many mistakes. But life is wonderful because life is about making mistakes. It is what we do with them that is important. I know that God always sees me as being wonderful. God loves me. He gave me life. God wants me, and every other person, to become the very best that we can be, and then to become even better. He wants us to nurture life, to love life, and to live it. Let's do our best. Works Cited Buscaglia, Leo. Living, Loving, Learning. Ballantine Books (1985).

Life of Immigrant Women in 19th Century America Essay

The United States of America is one of the most diverse countries in the entire world. It has gained diversity not merely through race, but through religion, ethnic background, and through the ever-dynamic shift of America. Some of the most dramatic and rapid changes occurred in the late nineteenth century following the Civil War. As the United States began to industrialize, wave upon wave of immigrants poured into the country’s borders in search of religious, political, or, more often than not, economic freedom. To the outside world, the United States began to be seen as our Pledge of Allegiance suggests is: a land of the free. â€Å"’America is a free country’ one Polish immigrant stated†¦Ã¢â‚¬â„¢you don’t have to be a serf to anyone†¦freedom and prosperity are enjoyed by the people of the United States.’†1 Despite these immigrant hopes of freedom and prosperity, America was only just beginning to leave behind its roots of slavery; racism and prejudice were still in the air. While African-American men were being given their permission to vote, white women still struggled for that freedom. Immigrants faced dilemmas from some radical white women. â€Å"Feminists argued that native-born white women deserved the vote more than non-whites and immigrants.† 2 The struggles of being an immigrant were difficult enough, but to be a woman as well during that era was unlike any other barrier to freedom and inequality at the time. The novel Bread Givers by Anzia Yezierska, an immigrant who lived during that era, discusses what life was like for her demographic during her time through the eyes of a Jewish immigrant girl. Immigrant women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century faced a slew of harrowing challenges as they faced a changing America. One of the biggest challenges that immigrant women had to face was exceedingly poor living conditions. Aside from being confined to very tight knit, ethnically uniform neighborhoods and communities3, many areas had landlords or landlord-esque figures set up to enforce strict living requirements which often limited higher quality housing in the immigrant  community and female demographic.4 In Bread Givers, Yezeriska’s character, Sara, experiences this dilemma. She grows up in a tenet fit possibly for a single person or possibly even a couple, and yet she lives with her mother, father, and three other sisters. On top of cramped living conditions, they do not appear to live in an area where access to cheap, safe food is available all the time.5 Later in the novel, an adult Sara is searching for a place to live with a room to herself. She struggles to find any place other than single rooms to share with two to four other women. She often finds herself facing rejection to open rooms. â€Å"’No girls,’ snapped this one, too. ‘Why no girls?’ I dared ask the skinny tsarina. ‘I want to keep the house clean. No cooking, no washing. Less trouble, less dirt, with men.’†6 When Sara finally does find a room, it is described as being a room very common to poor immigrants during that time. â€Å"It was a dark hole on the ground floor. The only window†¦was thick with black dust. The bed see-sawed†¦the mattress full of lumps and the sheets were shreds.† 7 These living conditions often created complications in the health and well-being of these immigrant women, and access to quality health care was rare for immigrant women. Sara’s mother falls ill in the novel and has no access to such care, ultimately leading to her demise.8 These poor living conditions, however, were not the only conflict immigrant women faced. Even when these women left home for work, conditions only worsened. Job opportunities for the immigrant woman in the United States during that era were remarkably limited. As the job market expanded, skilled labor became more desired and unskilled labor was left to the immigrants and women. These types of jobs came with low wages (some as low as $3 per week) long hours, and dangerous working conditions. Immigrant women were largely confined to low-wage factory jobs, while the job-market for native born white women expanded enormously. 9 In Bread Givers, Sara searches desperately and finds a job in a clothing factory, much like the factories who hired immigrant girls in reality, for five dollars a week. She describes the factory as small, congested, smelly, and filled with fumes with nearly no source of fresh air flow.10 A similar textile factory, The Triangle Shirtwaist Company, burst out in flames on March 25, 1911. The factory was located on the top three floors of a ten-story building in Greenwich Village  of New York City. As the fire spread, the young Jewish and Italian immigrant girls, some as young as 14, began to realize the doors to the stairwells were locked, as per usual in these factors, in order for the owner to prevent theft, â€Å"unauthorized bathroom breaks,† â€Å"outside distractions† to his employees. In the end, approximately 150 immigrant girls died in the fire, and some of the remaining survivors were arrested for forming a Union against these factories. 11 These inequalities towards immigrant women were prevalent all over the country, but especially in New York City, where a large portion of the immigrant community lived due to its proximity to Ellis Island and its high-volume of unskilled factory jobs. There were also barriers to immigrant women, however, on a smaller, more individualized scale: specific cultural practices. Women of all cultures, but especially poorer immigrant families, often had high-priority obligations in the home that prevented them from excelling in the world. While many native-born white women were privileged enough to grow up in school and go to college, get educations, and find skilled-labor careers, immigrant girls often had obligations forcing them to stay at home rather than seek an education, find a respectable job, and start their own family at a reasonable age. Taking into account the poor living conditions found in immigrant communities, as well as the lack of high wage employment and access to health care, women often had responsibilities to their families before pursuing their own lives. In Bread Givers, the meaning of the term â€Å"bread givers† was that Sara and her three sisters were obligated to give their earnings to the family, especially the father.12 Although not all immigrant families had patriarchal father figures who demanded all earnings for selfish reasons as the father in Yezierska’s novel did, the structure of income was very common to find in immigrant households. One of Sara’s sisters, Bessie, was the most crucial â€Å"bread giver† early in the story, and later on a man takes interest in her for a wife. â€Å"I like a plain home girl that knows how to help save the dollar, cook a good meal, and help in the shop. I think Bessie is just fitting for me.†13 This man takes interest her the same way most men would during that time. He sees her as a woman to uphold household responsibilities and help to save money instead of earn it on her own. Most of the daughters, except for Sara, end up marrying  men for the sake of bringing money into the house in order to support their parents.14 Finally, at the end of the story, the father begins to grow old and sick and it becomes the responsibility of the daughters to take him in and take care of him without question or hesitation.15 These were some of the specific cultural barriers that imposed on the individual freedoms of immigrant women in the United States. Anzia Yezierska, through her book Bread Givers, provided a very specific, yet realistic depiction of the challenges presented to immigrant women in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century of America. The huge influx of immigrants, especially from southern and eastern Europe, between 1890 and 1914 created a drastically new dynamic in the changing United States. 16 This new dynamic presented countless challenges to immigrants and women alike including poor living conditions, limited job opportunities, and cultural barriers. As our country continues to progress, so will the challenges presented to each individual group, culture, and demographic; therefore, it is crucial to study these past experiences so we may learn to adapt and thrive in those conditions. Works Cited Foner, Eric . Give Me Liberty! – An American History, seagull 3e. 3rd. 2. New York, NY: W W Norton , 2012. 546-713. print. The Power and the People, episode 4 of New York: A Documentary Film, Steeplechase Films, 1999, PBS home video.  Yezierska, Anzia . Bread Givers, A Novel. New York, NY: Persea Books, INC, 2003. print.

William Shakespeare s Hamlet - 1265 Words

Take a look at any major action/drama television show on air today and you won t find one that doesn t have a character who is avoiding some sort of conflict by pretending like it doesn t exist. The reason this character exist is because we can relate to them. We have all been guilty at some point in our lives of trying to act like a conflict we ve had has not existed or been a problem at all. In William Shakespeare s Hamlet we are bombarded with characters that are avoiding conflict by acting like they don t exist. Although majority of my classmates felt Hamlet was a play about revenge, I believe Shakespeare is addressing the issue of chaos and how it cannot be rectified by conjuring up a false reality; it only pushes the conflict†¦show more content†¦These two could have had a normal relationship had they not ignored the issues that they had. Instead they let chaos consume their relationship instead of rectifying it. We see a parallel of this in Claudius and Gertrude s in cestuous marriage. Although it is not truly incest, it is certainly in poor judgment to marry your deceased brother s wife. Not to mention creepy. However, Claudius and Gertrude instead pretend that there is absolutely nothing wrong with their union. Although the chaos it is causing in Hamlet s life is very apparent. I mean who wouldn t be disgusted by having to call their uncle, dad, only two moth after their father s death? It s enough to drive a sane person mad let alone instill seeds of doubt in the minds of the people of Denmark. It just isn t socially acceptable to re-marry within the same blood-line. However, the trio that takes the cake has to be Claudius, Gertrude, and Polonius and their conjured up illusion that Hamlet is going crazy solely because of his desire for Ophelia. It certainly wouldn t have anything to do with the fact that Claudius murdered his father, married his mother, and bullies Hamlet telling him to grow up knowing full well what he did. Nor that Polonius is the reason why Ophelia rejects Hamlet. Nevertheless it is clear in the end that their fantasies come at the cost of all their lives in the end. It is because of